The Commonwealth Games experience

 

On the 6th August, I went to the Commonwealth Games with my wife Marion, son Andrew, and Andrew’s partner Kate. We saw the rhythmic gymnastic competition in the Indoor Arena in the centre of Birmingham. Here are some random observations.

1.    Sport is a form of entertainment, but a key part of that entertainment is the skill displayed by the competitors. Most athletic events are derived from the earliest form of martial arts, based on fighting, running, throwing and jumping, supported by horsemanship and various regulated forms of group conflict such as football. Gymnastics owes more to circus arts: the female gymnasts wore sparkly leotards and were marked for artistry as well as dexterity. But it was impossible not to admire their great skill nor to feel the disappointment with every small error in their routines. The venue enhanced the entertainment of the event, by providing a disco during intervals, and issuing spectators with wristbands which glowed in unison at certain points in the show.

2.    The Games were a model of efficiency. The Commonwealth Games involved over 5000 athletes from 72 countries, taking part in multiple venues in different cities and towns across the West Midlands (including a velodrome in London). Despite having limited notice after Durban withdrew from organising the Games, the venues in Birmingham were all ready on time, the athletes and officials were all housed, the media operated without a hitch, and there was a constant supply of entertainment for the crowds in the City Centre. There were thousands of very helpful volunteers, and public transport to events was free.

3.    There was great pride in the City among local people. UK media is dominated by London, and shows limited interest in the distinctive history and culture of each of the other great cities in this country. The opening and closing ceremonies of the Commonwealth Games was a celebration of Birmingham’s industrial past and its significant contribution to popular music. The City centre looked splendid in the sunshine, and local people expressed pride in their city, albeit in the usual downbeat Brummie way.

4.    Crowds are fun. When we left the Arena, a vast host passed over the canal bridges, through Centenary Square, Chamberlain Square and Victoria Square. There was no jostling, and everyone looked happy. This was my first experience of going to a large public event for some years, and I had forgotten the exhilaration felt by people who are part of a large purposeful crowd. I realise that this must be a common experience among people who go to football matches or festivals. 

5.    The best art is that acclaimed by the public. The highlight of the opening and closing ceremonies was the huge mechanical Raging Bull, which moved and appeared to breathe fire and smoke. During the games, this was placed in Centenary Square, and was immensely popular - so much so that the City Council agreed to find a permanent indoor venue to house it after the Games. The public acclaim for this artwork contrasts with the annual awards of the Turner Prize for art, which are usually known to few and approved by even less. Turner prize-winners do, however, seem to enhance the fortunes of a small number of London art galleries and their patrons who purchase artworks as a form of ‘wealth-protection’. The public have a more refined taste in art because they value it for its appearance and the emotional impact it has, and not for what it does for their personal bank-balance. 

Rising without ideas

Many years ago, I was friends with an ambitious young academic woman who was researching for her PhD. As best as I can remember, her research involved interviewing leading members of the education world about future challenges. I agreed to be a proxy respondent to test her interview schedule. Some time later, she told me ruefully that few of the senior people she interviewed were able to reflect on these future challenges or how to respond to them. They were, in fact, almost bereft of ideas.

I suspect that this phenomenon is not confined to education, but is instead a feature found frequently among people who rise to the top. Their energy is devoted to advancement, and their knowledge and skills are subservient to this. The ideas they do propound are therefore those that best suit their advancement at any particular time. They may express them with great force, but in reality their ideas are just weapons to win support and beat down opponents. There is therefore no need for long-term consistency - a person can argue opposite policies within a short space of time if this is the route to promotion. Deep reflection and analysis would be a hindrance because people with deeply-held beliefs or a commitment to the truth are usually less flexible, and thereby handicapped in the struggle for power.

This lack of ideas can create a sense of personal emptiness among the ambitious, that becomes evident when they are interrogated. This fate most frequently befalls politicians, whom the public expects to have some sense of the main problems facing their country and how to deal with them. At the time of writing the British Conservative Party is selecting a new leader, and candidates are required to state their policies and answer questions about them. This sometimes results in cliché - the sign of unoriginal thinking. The leading applicant at present is Liz Truss, who was a passionate opponent of Brexit when this was the policy of the then Prime Minister, and is now an equally-passionate supporter of Brexit now that this is the preferred policy of Conservative Party members. Quite without shame, she can accuse her opponent Rishi Sunak (who has been a consistent supporter of Brexit) of being lukewarm on the issue. But when asked for her ideas on policy, Truss relapses into cliché. Most notably, she said: “Our country became great through its embrace of free trade, free enterprise and free markets. I am determined to double down on levelling up so that everyone has the opportunity to succeed as part of an aspiration nation.” This woman is clearly destined for the top. 

How to improve the design of new housing developments

Government reports can include contradictory objectives, usually resolved locally by officers and councillors. This is particularly true of planning policy, which typically promotes the approval of many more dwellings, a high standard of design, the protection of agricultural land and wildlife, the preservation of the countryside, and sustainability. In reality, meeting housing targets set by Government has usually trumped all the other considerations, and large areas of farmland in England have been concreted over with badly-designed high-density estates. Even where local planning authorities have refused consent for schemes of this kind, planning inspectors have usually approved appeals on the grounds that they meet a local ‘housing shortage’.

There have been recent signs, however, that the planning pendulum may be swinging back to favouring quality over quantity. One recent report that has influenced this trend is Living with Beauty, which was commissioned by the Government from the Building Better, Building Beautiful Commission, and published in 2020. The Commission was chaired by the eminent philosopher Sir Roger Scruton (who died just after the text was finalised). The report is very critical of the design and layout of new housing:
    “It is widely believed that we are building the wrong things, in the wrong places, and in defiance of what people want... At a time when there is an acute shortage of homes, there is therefore widespread opposition to new developments, which seem to threaten the beauty of their surroundings and to impose a uniform ‘cookie cutter’ product that degrades our natural and built inheritance. People want to live in beautiful places; they want to live next to beautiful places; they want to settle in a somewhere of their own, where the human need for beauty and harmony is satisfied by the view from the window and a walk to the shops, a walk which is not marred by polluted air or an inhuman street. But those elemental needs are not being met by the housing market, and the planning system has failed to require them”.

The report states that beauty exists at three levels:
1.    Beautiful buildings (windows, materials, proportion, space).
2.    Beautiful places (streets, squares and parks, the ‘spirit of the places’)
3.    Beautifully placed (sustainable settlement patterns sitting in the landscape).

    “This means accepting that new development should be designed to fit into the life and texture of the place where it occurs; and also that it should aim to be an improvement of that place, regenerative not parasitic, an illustration of the way in which a new street may be more beautiful than the buildings or fields that preceded it”.

The most persuasive parts of the report for many people are its photographs of good and bad design in recent developments. The report diagnosed the ugliness of current building as being due to the dominance of the motor car, the mass production of houses rather than local vernacular production, and the emphasis by governments on quantity over quality. It notes that developers make promises of attractive tree-lined estates which they then fail to deliver. Instead, they build standardised houses on tiny plots in cul-de-sacs packed with cars, with resultant poor air quality and little incentive to walk or cycle. This gives little opportunity for neighbours to meet in the street and develop a sense of community.

Living with Beauty makes many recommendations for changes to the planning system, most of which relate particularly to towns and cities. The most important for rural areas are:
1.    To place greater emphasis in assessing planning applications on the quality of the design and the creation of places as well as houses. These should meet locally-developed design codes, to ensure new dwellings conform to local patterns of building.
2.    Local plans should identify sites pro-actively rather than respond to the results of call for sites or to speculative applications. Planning should not be by appeal.
3.    Faster approval for applications which are in accord with the local plan, meet design codes and have local support.
4.    More effective enforcement of planning decisions.
5.    More sustained local consultation and engagement.
6.    Planting more trees in streets, with funding provided to parish councils to do this. This should include new orchards and tree-lined squares.
7.    Councils should measure the outcomes of new developments.

The Government response largely supported the recommendations of the report, and stated:
    “...we have made beauty, design quality and placemaking a strategic theme in proposed revisions to the National Planning Policy Framework, positively supported design quality as a key issue in consenting schemes, made it clearer that poor quality schemes should be refused, and where appropriate extended references to ‘good design’ to ‘good design and beautiful places’.”

The most recent version of the National Planning Policy Framework (NPPF) does indeed include an enhanced chapter on design. This includes a statement on trees:
    “Trees make an important contribution to the character and quality of urban environments, and can also help mitigate and adapt to climate change. Planning policies and decisions should ensure that new streets are tree-lined, that opportunities are taken to incorporate trees elsewhere in developments (such as parks and community orchards), that appropriate measures are in place to secure the long-term maintenance of newly-planted trees, and that existing trees are retained wherever possible. Applicants and local planning authorities should work with highways officers and tree officers to ensure that the right trees are planted in the right places, and solutions are found that are compatible with highways standards and the needs of different users.”

The NPPF also states that:
    "Development that is not well designed should be refused, especially where it fails to reflect local design policies and government guidance on design, taking into account any local design guidance and supplementary planning documents such as design guides and codes.”

The main Government guidance on design is the National Design Guide, which was published by the Ministry of Communities, Housing and Local Government in 2021. This incorporates the same principles as Living with Beauty, but set out in a more systematic way with many examples of good practice. The NPPF proposes that local planning authorities should develop their own design guides, and the Government has issued lengthy design codes to guide this task.

There are some problems with Living with Beauty. In the first place, the most attractive estate designs have generally been the work of either small local builders or non-profit organisations such as Bournville Village Trust, the garden cities, and some local authorities. But most houses in England are now built by a small number of very large development firms, which have standardised design and construction: assembling rather than building houses. Secondly, it is not clear that the public share Roger Scruton’s aesthetic sense. Some people think beauty means big and shiny. Some residents rip out their front gardens and uproot their trees to provide car parking spaces. The authors of Living with Beauty are aware of this danger, and review options for ‘stewardship’ to protect the quality of the built environment. The report makes detailed recommendations for changes to taxation to encourage continued and positive engagement by landowners.

Another relevant report for housing design is Building Car Dependency, completed by the multi-agency Transport for New Homes Steering Group in 2022. This surveyed 28 recently-completed housing developments, with a specific focus on their impact on transport. But the photographs also illustrate the ugliness and inconvenience of many developments. The report found that most urban housing estates on brownfield sites were well-integrated with local public transport, walking and cycling networks. Rural greenfield developments, however, were based on the assumption that residents would use a car for virtually every journey. A high proportion of the land in such developments was therefore required for car parking.  Front gardens were often absent and back gardens tiny. Promised community developments had not been built, and few people walk to schools or shops. There were few usable footpath networks and cycling was often dangerous, along narrow country lanes with increased motor vehicle traffic. Public transport was infrequent or not available.

The report proposes that new housing estates in rural areas are inappropriate and government targets forcing local authorities to accept this kind of housing should be abolished. New housing should not be in places which increase car-dependency and houses should instead be located where people can walk or cycle for many of their journeys. There should be more mixed-use development with opportunities for local cafes and shops.

It is possible to use these documents to prepare a simple checklist that can be used when assessing planning applications for new housing estates in rural communities.
1.    Housing density. Is the density of dwellings similar to that in the rest of the village, or is more similar to levels found in suburban or urban areas?
2.    Setting. Does the proposed estate fit in the local landscape, or does it block views that are valued by local people?
3.    Connectivity. Do the footpaths and cycle routes connect easily to those in the rest of the village, or are they largely self-contained within the proposed estate?
4.    Proximity. Is it possible to walk a safe and short distance to the local shop, primary school and bus stop, or are these facilities more than walking distance (usually taken as being 800 metres) from the furthest point in the proposed estate and/or accessible by narrow footpaths along public roads?
5.    Character. Are the proposed dwellings in a style similar to those typical of local villages, or are they in a standard design similar to those built elsewhere by the developer?
6.    Diversity. Are the proposed dwellings diverse in size and ownership, or are they predominantly of one size (eg ‘four-bedroom executive homes’).
7.    Arboreal. Are the proposed streets lined with trees, or would someone looking down the street see mainly brick, concrete and paving?
8.    Protecting biodiversity. Are existing trees and hedges protected, or is it proposed to build close to their roots and/or damage their health?

How to object to a planning application

Introduction
People most frequently come into contact with the planning system by two routes: when they or their neighbours apply to make alterations to their houses; or when there is an application by a developer to build a nearby housing estate or commercial development. There are many more of the former than the latter. In a single year, a typical rural local planning authority (Malvern Hills District Council) determined 1462 planning applications, of which only 52 were for ‘major developments’. Almost all applications for alterations are uncontentious, unless changes are proposed to a listed building or a building in a conservation area, or when a neighbour believes the alteration will cause a loss of amenity.

Most opposition to planning applications therefore concerns proposals to build major developments, usually where these are for villages or in open countryside. This paper gives some guidance on how to oppose such planning applications most effectively. But it is important to understand that the planning system can also enable people to determine how they wish their village to develop. Future papers will look at how to create neighbourhood plans and participate in the creation of ‘local plans’ (a term used for a plan which covers one or more district councils).


The planning system
The planning system in England is a strange mix of political, administrative and judicial processes. Decisions on granting planning permission are made by local planning authority (LPA), which in rural areas is usually a district council or unitary authority. However, most decisions are granted without a debate by the full council or even by a planning committee, but are instead delegated to a planning officer or local ward councillor. In Malvern Hills District, 94% of applications were determined at officer level.

Where councillors are involved in making a decision, they have to be aware of the advice of their professionally-qualified planning officers, who will make a recommendation largely on whether the application conforms to the requirements of key planning documents. These form a hierarchy, from the National Planning Policy Framework (NPPF), to the local plan, to the neighbourhood plan (if there is one).

The NPPF is produced by the Secretary of State for Levelling-up, Housing and Communities, and is revised every two or so years. It specifies the objectives of the planning system and how it should operate. The NPPF states that “The purpose of the planning system is to contribute to the achievement of sustainable development”. This interpreted to mean that “all plans should promote a sustainable pattern of development that seeks to: meet the development needs of their area; align growth and infrastructure; improve the environment; mitigate climate change...”. These objectives are often self-contradictory - a common feature of government policy documents.

Local plans (also called ‘development plans’) are produced by one or more local planning authorities, usually after a lengthy process of consultation. As a result, local plans are completed infrequently and may be out of date. A key part of local plans are its ‘policies’. These are like mini-laws, and each one is numbered and justified by evidence. Local plans must conform with the NPPF, in particular the requirement to meet the ‘objectively-assessed housing need’ (OAHN) which is calculated by the Government for each local planning authority. A large part of any local plan, therefore, is the identification of preferred sites for development. The formula for calculating local OAHNs has fluctuated radically in the past few years, and is the subject of national controversy. Local planning authorities must not only conform to their OAHN, but also ensure they have identified sufficient building sites to meet five year’s worth of OAHN. If local planning authorities fail to identify a ‘five-year land-supply’, developers can argue that they should no longer be restricted to sites specified in the local plan and can build outside settlement boundaries in open countryside.

Neighbourhood plans exist mainly in rural areas and small towns, and are usually developed by parish and town councils. They are required to conform with the strategic objectives of the local plan, but may also identify preferred sites for development as well as preferred styles and types of housing. Unlike the other two levels of planning, neighbourhood plans are adopted after a referendum in the designated neighbourhood area.

Councillors will usually take heed of the advice of their planning officers because applicants have a right of appeal if the application is refused. Appeals are determined by a planning inspector, which is a quasi-judicial post. The planning inspector may hold public hearings, in which applicants may be represented by specialist planning lawyers. If the refusal is overturned by the planning inspector, the applicant may be awarded costs which will be met by the local planning authority. Note that there is no right of appeal by a local community against the granting of planning permission (although in a very few cases, there may be a request for judicial review).

It is important to understand that planning system, for all its complexity, is limited to ‘spatial planning’, or the allocation of land. All the other agencies of government such as education, transport, the environment and so on will have their own planning systems, often produced by a different set of authorities.


Planning applications
Planning applications always involve several documents, all of which can be viewed and downloaded from the local planning authority website. Each application is allocated a number, and you can use this to search got the application you are interested in. Applications can be outline or full, and will include multiple documents, including:
▸    An application form. This will include the name of the developer, their agent, and a summary of things like the proposed number of dwellings and parking spaces.
▸    One or more maps, showing the location and layout of the proposed development.
▸    Elevations of the proposed buildings.
▸    Design statement. This is often the most useful document, and gives the justification for the scheme and how it corresponds to the local and neighbourhood plans. The latter details are sometimes found in a separate planning statement.
▸    Landscape and visual impact assessment (LVIA). This assesses the impact of the proposed development on the local landscape.
▸    Transport statement. This describes current traffic in the vicinity of the proposed development and estimates the resulting increase. There is also an account of public transport and walking and cycle routes.
▸    Drainage report. This describes how sewage and flood water will be managed.
▸    Environmental impact reports. There may be separate reports assessing the impact of the proposed development on the biodiversity of the site and on particular types of wildlife (especially protected species like bats and newts).

All of these reports are included because they are required by the local plan and national regulations. However, they are all funded by the developer. As a result, they are rarely critical of the proposed development and may even play down its disadvantages. They therefore differ from the reports from public authorities, which are shorter, more factual, and can be critical of the proposed development. These reports usually include:
▸    Heritage reports, which assess the impact of the proposed development on historic buildings, conservation areas etc.
▸    Reports from local authority drainage engineers.
▸    Reports from the Highway Authority (usually the County Council or unitary authority in a rural area).
▸    Landscape and wildlife reports.
▸    Footpath reports, assessing the impact on rights-of-way.
▸    An urban design report.

The website will also include an opportunity to submit your own comments on the application, which you can do either by typing onscreen, or by attaching a file. There is usually a very short deadline for submitting an objection, but the actual decision will be made by the council some months later. This means that an objection submitted a month or two after the deadline will still be considered.

Developers sometimes submit a response to the various planning objections, and this will be downloaded to the website for the planning application. It is therefore important to keep viewing the website and, if necessary, to reply to the developer.


Preparing an objection
A common response to an unpopular planning application is a petition. This has little impact and, by itself, is a waste of effort. However, there are more effective ways of mobilising opposition. These include forming an action group to publicise the disadvantages of the proposed scheme, and encouraging people to submit objections on the LPA website. These should be in people’s own words and include information about the disadvantages they would personally suffer, rather than be a standardised response. An important part of making a comment is ‘certification’. Public authorities pay far more attention to communications from formal bodies than from individual members of the public. Formal bodies have letter-heads, a list of officers, and contact details. Action groups should ensure they are certified in this way. The most important such body is the parish or town council, and this should make a detailed response which summarises the reasons for local opposition. Other certified bodies that can be enlisted in a campaign are the county branch of the CPRE the Countryside Charity, and (depending on the type of impact of the proposed development) the Ramblers Association, the RSPB and local wildlife trusts.

The content of responses must be based on ‘material considerations’. The most important of these are the NPPF, the local plan, the neighbourhood plan, and other formal guidance notes as well as previous decisions by planning inspectors. References to local and neighbourhood plans should cite the specific policies that the proposed development breaches. References to the NPPF should be to the most recent version and cite the particular paragraph in the document.

Other material considerations taken into account by the LPA, including:
▸    Loss of privacy or light caused by overshadowing.
▸    Whether the development will worsen local parking problems.
▸    The amount of local traffic generated and its impact on highway safety.
▸    The effect on listed buildings and conservation areas. This includes proposed development near (‘in the curtilage’) of these features.
▸    The capacity of the local physical and social infrastructure to cope with the proposed development. This includes the impact on local schools and primary healthcare.
▸    The layout and density of the proposed buildings (including design, appearance and materials).
▸    Whether there is sufficient access for disabled people.
▸    The impact on wildlife and biodiversity.
▸    Landscaping and the loss or effect on trees. Building near a large tree can affect its roots and eventually kill it.

Some things are not material considerations in considering planning applications, and should be avoided in writing an objection. These are:
▸    Negative effect on the value of properties.
▸    Dislike of the developer/applicant.
▸    Matters controlled under building regulations or other legislation, such as structural stability, fire precautions, matters covered by licences etc.
▸    Private issues between neighbours e.g. land/boundary disputes, damage to property,
▸    Problems arising during the construction period from noise, dust, and construction vehicles.
▸    Applicant’s personal circumstances (unless exceptionally and clearly relevant, e.g. provision of facilities for someone with a physical disability).
▸    Opposition to business competition.

It is a waste of time objecting to an aspect of the development that conforms to the local or neighbourhood plan. For instance, if the neighbourhood plan specifies a settlement boundary for a village, it is pointless to object to an application to build dwellings on a site within that boundary on the grounds that no houses should be built at all. However, it may be possible to object for other reasons, such as too high a density, or inappropriate design.

One issue that is particularly contentious is that a development would result in the loss of a view. Developers argue that ‘There is no right to a view’, but replacing a view of open fields with a view of a large back fence is a loss of residential amenity. The loss of views for many people counts as a negative visual impact and may be in breach of protected views in the neighbourhood plan and policies in the local plan to protect the countryside.

Statements of objections should be supported by evidence. Action groups can collect their own data on issues like biodiversity and traffic flows. It is important to check all the reports comprising the application for accuracy. As noted above, these are paid for by the applicant and almost always support the proposed development. But they are usually completed by people unfamiliar with the locality and may contain partial or incorrect information. Some examples:
▸    Transport reports which include multiple statistics estimating traffic flows (usually based on a database called ‘TRACS’), but which fail to state the total annual increase in motor vehicle traffic from the development. This is important data because its impact on the sustainability of the proposed development.
▸    LVIAs which rate the local landscape as ‘moderate’, based on what at first seems systematic methodology, but which is in reality little more than a personal judgement. LVIA reports may fail to include photographs, or, include photois which show the landscape in the most unflattering light. Hardly any include visualisations of what the development would be like if completed.

It is important to Include pictures as part of the evidence. Human beings are visually-dominant, and respond far more to pictures than to pages of text or statistics. An example is the photograph below, taken on the road to the local school, which was included as evidence against an assertion that the locality had a moderate level of traffic when the schools were opening and closing.

 

Finally, the objection should be laid out as a well-written and professional-looking report (preferably as a pdf), and attached as a file when submitting it to the local planning authority website. 

The madman on the street corner Internet

My grandmother spent much of later years watching television. A lot of what she saw evoked discontent, including University Challenge. When a student failed to answer a question, she would say: “These people are at university. They should know everything”. This assumption that people could possess universal knowledge, strange as it is now, was once common. Parents bought encyclopaedias for their children, in the hope that this would give them access to the entire world of knowledge. My parents were no exception, and I spent many happy hours accumulating information from the ten volumes of my home encyclopaedia. As a result, I possess a wide span of superficial knowledge, together with a sense that I lack real expertise in any field at all. I have come to realise that, despite all my reading over the past 70 years, I am still strikingly ignorant about many things.

One consolation in my despair is the realisation that I am not alone. Most people, I suspect, know a great deal about their own lives and the lives of their family and friends. They have probably built up some expertise in their own line of work, and know a lot about the community they live in and the sports and other activities they enjoy. But compared to the great body of human knowledge, this amounts to very little. As a result, the human race floats on a vast tide of ignorance. This has implications for how our societies function, particularly since the expansion of the Internet in the 1980s. Before then, it was generally assumed that knowledge was hard-won, and thus mainly possessed by people who had spent years in education or vocational training. People were therefore inclined to respect experts and people with technical or academic qualifications.

Now, information and opinion is available almost instantly, usually with pictures. People can easily post to the entire world their own opinions or circulate those made by other people of which they approve. This can be immensely useful when information is posted by people about things they know. I have saved hours of otherwise-wasted effort by watching videos made by (usually middle-aged) tradesmen explaining how to fix cars, decorate the house, or do gardening. Unfortunately, the great bulk of opinion on the Internet is not of this kind. Since most people are ignorant of most things, the Internet has become the prime medium for circulating ignorance. Because it comes from a computer, this ignorance is treated with especial reverence. Now, millions of people in the USA repeat the bizarre paranoid inventions of websites like Qanon which, in days gone by, would probably have led to admission to mental hospital. The madman shouting obscenities on the street corner has become the guru of our age. 

Sofavision and the news

 There are four main modes for presenting the news on television. The first is for the reporter to be on the spot. At present, we can see brave journalists standing on balconies in Kyiv, looking out at ever-closer explosions. They describe what they have learnt and seen, and their reports gain great authenticity as a result. The second mode is for the news reporter to sit behind a desk. In the past, they usually had a sheaf of papers in front of them, which they could be seen shuffling once the broadcast was concluded. Now of course, they have a laptop to glance down at from time to time. The third mode, which became fashionable about 20 years ago, is for the journalist to stand up in front of the camera. This requires that the guests and other journalists they interview also have to stand up, which must become irritating after a while. Finally, the fourth mode is for both journalists and guests to sit on a large sofa. This is now the pattern for the morning news in both the BBC and Sky (who have recently abandoned the standing mode).

The problem with the sofa is that it looks too comfortable. You can not report the horrors of war from a big red sofa. Where sofas excel is in the experiential interview. This involves one or usually two members of the public being interviewed about their experience of some loss or other great adversity. They are often unused to being on television, and the sofa helps set them at ease. The experiential interview also gives the journalist an opportunity to show they have skills beyond just reading out what is put in front of them, providing them the opportunity to give a convincing display of sympathy.

The distress and joy of individual people is one of the ultimate measures of the importance of an event. But the problem with the experiential interview on breakfast television is that it an lacks an explanation of why the people in front of the camera have suffered adversity and who bears responsibility for inflicting it upon them. By focussing just on their distress, it accentuates the tendency of news programmes to live in the bubble of now. The result is that real distress is presented as a kind of random and ultimately meaningless event. Long interviews of this kind also veer on exploitation for the sake of entertainment. There are repeated shots of loved ones who have been lost, and repeated questions about the effects of this loss on those who remain.

Fortunately, this is usually interrupted by the local news broadcast. Five minutes are allocated to the affairs of the five million people living in the Midlands, summarised expertly by a newsreader behind a desk. Then it is back to the big red sofa.

The wrong houses in the wrong places

As a parish councillor, I spend much of my time reading and preparing responses to planning applications. My quiet village in the Worcestershire countryside is now under assault from landowners who wish to profit from the massive increases in the values of their fields when planning permission to build houses has been approved. It was estimated in 2015 that agricultural land, on average, increases in value from £21,000/ hectare to £1.95 million/hectare once planning permission has been granted.

So we currently have applications for over a hundred houses, which would have the effect of increasing commuter traffic down our narrow lanes, taking good agricultural land out of food production, and straining public services such as drainage and sewage, water supply, education and primary healthcare. Each of these applications comprises many plans and reports, all of which are published online by the district council. The various reports are produced by specialist private agencies and deal with the implications of the proposed development for such matters as transport, drainage, health and ‘visual impact’. They are paid for by the developer and, not surprisingly, always seem to come out in favour of the development.

I have learnt over time to be suspicious of the quality of these reports. I have found that they are frequently inconsistent, contain basic factual errors, and even suppress unwelcome information. However, they sometimes include things that are interesting and provide enlightenment. One such is a recent drainage report which concluded that most of my village has been built on an aquifer. This explains the frequent floods at times of heavy rain, the incessant dampness in our houses, and why, for instance, the pit in the local garage always fills up with water at such times. This should not of course have been too much of a surprise. The village is surrounded by hills on three sides and the land even rises on the fourth side where the main road heads to Worcester.

Although most of the village was built on an aquifer, there are dry places. All the old buildings, from our 12th Century parish church until about the 19th Century were constructed on higher and drier ground. The contrast with lower-lying ground is striking. Due South of the parish church is a field which has a lake and is now a wildlife reserve. This would have been convenient as an extension to the overcrowded graveyard around the church. But the water-table in that field is so high that, when conducting funeral services by the graveside, the vicar would have needed to use the section of the prayerbook for burials at sea.

Unfortunately, villages in the past often lacked enough dryfield and houses in villages and towns were built on soggier ground. This problem was faced in the Middle Ages, when people constructed towns in excellent locations for trade where the only land was also an excellent location for flooding. This is shown in the photograph from 2007 of the lovely market town of Tewkesbury, where the Rivers Avon and Severn meet and where the only dry ground is occupied by the abbey. 

Since then, in Tewkesbury and elsewhere, modern houses have been built on ground even more prone to flooding. Indeed, 10,000 houses each year are built on flood plains in England and in the coalition government in 2011 relaxed planning rules to make this easier.

Why did this happen? The main reason is that governments in England have decided that housebuilding should be outsourced to private corporations and, to a lesser degree, to housing associations. They must therefore be encouraged to build houses by removing any impediments which might reduce their profitability. This has meant weakening planning laws and building regulations, even those which protect the buyers from flooding and fire. It has also meant allowing housebuilding on flood plains (where land is cheap) and on good agricultural land (because this is cheaper to build on than brownfield sites).

This policy has not been particularly successful in meeting the demand for new houses. Most experts identify a need for 250,000 new dwellings/year, while in the last decade the number completed is about 130,500/year. The large building corporations instead accumulate land which has planning permission so that 40% of such sites are at any one time undeveloped. The building corporations do this because the shortage of homes keeps prices high. Why incur the cost of building twice as many houses when this would radically depress prices and profit margins?

The outsourcing of housebuilding in England may have failed to meet the need for new houses, but it has been very successful in other ways. Housebuilding is one of the most profitable sectors of the British economy, with profit margins on each house completion double that made in the USA. The largest UK housebuilder (Persimmon) pays its senior management team a bonus of £100 million/year. In response, the property sector generously rewards the Conservative Party. A recent article in the Financial Times reported that the property sector provided £18 million pounds for the party in the last two years, equivalent to a quarter of its total donations. See: https://www.ft.com/content/c5737fbb-2893-4a5a-be5e-965785f1a37b.

So insufficient houses are built and houses are built in the wrong places, but the system works well for landowners, the building corporations, the Conservative Party and the many private agencies that produce the multiple misleading reports that accompany each planning application.